Qashshoqlikda sog'liqni saqlashning ijtimoiy omillari - Social determinants of health in poverty - Wikipedia

Angliya va Uelsdagi sog'liqdagi bo'shliq, 2011 yilgi aholini ro'yxatga olish

The qashshoqlikda sog'liqni saqlashning ijtimoiy omillari qashshoqlashgan aholiga ta'sir etuvchi omillarni tavsiflang ' sog'liq va sog'liq uchun tengsizlik. Tengsizliklar sog'liqqa odamlar hayoti sharoitlari, shu jumladan kiradi yashash sharoitlari, ish muhiti, yoshi, va boshqa ijtimoiy omillar va bu ularning odamlarning javob berish qobiliyatiga qanday ta'sir qiladi kasallik.[1] Ushbu shartlarni siyosiy, ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy tuzilmalar ham shakllantiradi.[1] Dunyo bo'ylab odamlarning aksariyati "yomon siyosat, iqtisod va siyosatning toksik birikmasi" tufayli sog'lig'iga mos kelmaydi.[1] Kundalik turmush sharoitlari ushbu tarkibiy drayvlar bilan birgalikda ishlaydi, natijada sog'liqning ijtimoiy omillari paydo bo'ladi.[1]

Qashshoqlik va sog'lig'ining yomonligi bir-biri bilan chambarchas bog'liqdir.[1] Qashshoqlik ko'p o'lchovlarga ega - moddiy etishmovchilik (oziq-ovqat, boshpana, sanitariya va toza ichimlik suvi), ijtimoiy chetga chiqish, ta'lim etishmasligi, ishsizlik va kam daromad - bu barcha imkoniyatlarni kamaytirish, tanlovni cheklash, umidni yo'q qilish va natijada sog'liqqa tahdid qilish uchun birgalikda ishlash.[2] Qashshoqlik ko'plab sog'liqni saqlash sharoitlarining keng tarqalishi, shu jumladan xavfning oshishi bilan bog'liq surunkali kasallik, shikastlanish, go'daklarning rivojlanishidan mahrum bo'lish, stress, tashvish, ruhiy tushkunlik va bevaqt o'lim.[2] Loppi va Vaynning so'zlariga ko'ra, qashshoqlikning ushbu sog'lig'i asosan ayollar, bolalar, etnik ozchiliklar va nogironlar kabi chekka guruhlarga ta'sir qiladi.[2] Sog'liqni saqlashning ijtimoiy omillari - yoqadi bola rivojlanishi, ta'lim, yashash va ish sharoitlari va Sog'liqni saqlash[1]- qashshoqlar uchun alohida ahamiyatga ega.

Mossning fikriga ko'ra, ta'lim kabi qashshoq aholiga ta'sir ko'rsatadigan ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy omillar, daromadlar tengsizligi va kasb, sog'liq va o'limni eng kuchli va izchil bashorat qiluvchilarni ifodalaydi.[3] Shaxs hayotining aniq sharoitidagi tengsizliklar, masalan, odamlarning tibbiy xizmatdan foydalanish imkoniyatlari, maktablar, ularning ishlash shartlari va bo'sh vaqt, uy xo'jaliklari, jamoalar, shaharchalar yoki shaharlar,[1] so'zlariga ko'ra odamlarning farovon hayot kechirish va sog'lig'ini saqlash qobiliyatiga ta'sir qiladi Jahon Sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti. Sog'liq uchun zararli bo'lgan turmush sharoitlari, tajribalar va tuzilmalarning tengsiz taqsimlanishi har qanday holatda ham tabiiy emas, balki "yomon ijtimoiy siyosat va dasturlar, adolatsiz iqtisodiy kelishuvlar va yomon siyosatning toksik birikmasi natijasidir".[1] Shu sababli, shaxsning kundalik hayoti sharoitlari sog'liqni saqlashning ijtimoiy belgilovchi omillari va mamlakatlar o'rtasida va ularning ichidagi sog'liqdagi tengsizlikning asosiy qismi uchun javobgardir.[1] Ushbu ijtimoiy sharoitlar bilan bir qatorda "Jins, ta'lim, kasb, daromad, millati va yashash joyi odamlarning sog'liqni saqlash xizmatlaridan foydalanish imkoniyatlari, tajribalari va foydalari bilan chambarchas bog'liq. "[1] Kasallikning ijtimoiy determinantlari kabi keng ijtimoiy kuchlarga tegishli bo'lishi mumkin irqchilik, gender tengsizligi, qashshoqlik, zo'ravonlik va urush.[4] Bu juda muhimdir, chunki sog'liqni saqlash sifati, sog'liqni taqsimlash va aholining sog'lig'ini ijtimoiy himoya qilish millatning rivojlanish holatiga ta'sir qiladi.[1] Sog'liqni saqlash insonning asosiy huquqi hisoblanganligi sababli, bitta muallif sog'liqni saqlashning ijtimoiy determinantlari inson qadr-qimmatining taqsimlanishini belgilaydi.[5]

Ta'riflar va o'lchovlar

Qashshoqlikda sog'liqni saqlashning ijtimoiy omillari sog'liqdagi tengsizlikni ochib beradi. Sog'liqni saqlash "ko'pchilik odatdagidek qila oladigan narsalarni sog'lom, baquvvat va jismonan qodir his qilish" deb ta'riflanadi.[6] Sog'liqni saqlashni o'lchash sub'ektiv sog'liqni saqlash hisobotlari, jismoniy zaiflik, hayotiylik va farovonlik, og'ir surunkali kasallik tashxisi va umr ko'rishning uzoq umrini o'lchaydigan tadqiqotlar, shu jumladan bir nechta shakllarda amalga oshiriladi.[1]

The Jahon Sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti sog'liqni saqlashning ijtimoiy determinantlarini "odamlar tug'ilishi, o'sishi, yashash, mehnat qilish va qarish shartlari" deb belgilaydi,[7] pul, kuch va resurslarni global, milliy va mahalliy darajada taqsimlash bilan belgilanadigan shartlar.[7] Sog'liqni saqlashning ikkita asosiy determinanti mavjud: tizimli va proksimal determinantlar. Strukturaviy determinantlar ijtimoiy, iqtisodiy va siyosiy kontekstlar o'rtasidagi ijtimoiy bo'linishni o'z ichiga oladi va jamiyat ichidagi hokimiyat, maqom va imtiyozlarning farqlanishiga olib keladi. Proksimal determinantlar - bu kundalik hayotda mavjud bo'lgan bevosita omillar, masalan, oilaviy va oilaviy munosabatlar, tengdoshlar va mehnat munosabatlari va ta'lim muhiti.[7] Proksimal determinantlarga strukturaviy determinantlar keltirib chiqaradigan ijtimoiy tabaqalanish ta'sir qiladi. Ga ko'ra Jahon Sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti, sog'liqni saqlashning ijtimoiy determinantlariga erta kiradi bola rivojlanishi, globallashuv, sog'liqni saqlash tizimlari, o'lchov va dalillar, urbanizatsiya, ish sharoitlari, ijtimoiy chetga chiqish, sog'liqni saqlash sharoitlari va ayollar va jinsiy tenglik.[1] Ijtimoiy, kasbiy va jismoniy muhit va sharoitlar bilan belgilanadigan turli xil ta'sirlar va kasalliklar va shikastlanishlar zaiflikning sog'lig'iga nisbatan ozgina zaifligini keltirib chiqaradi.[1] Jahon sog'liqni saqlash tashkilotining Ijtimoiy aniqlovchilar kengashi sog'liqni saqlash uchun ijtimoiy determinantlarning ikkita alohida shaklini tan oldi - ijtimoiy mavqei va ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy va siyosiy kontekst. Quyidagi bo'limlar sog'liqni saqlashning ijtimoiy determinantlarini tushuntirish va tushunish uchun Jahon sog'liqni saqlash tashkilotining Ijtimoiy Determinantlar kontseptual doirasidan olingan.

Ijtimoiy mavqei

Qashshoqlik darajasi va og'irligi

Qashshoqlashgan aholi orasida kuniga 2 AQSh dollaridan kam bo'lgan AQShgacha bo'lgan real daromadlarning keng doirasi mavjud qashshoqlik chegarasi,[1] bu to'rt kishilik oila uchun 22 350 dollar.[8] Kambag'al populyatsiyalar ichida nisbatan qashshoqlikka nisbatan nisbatan kambag'al bo'lish sog'liqning natijalarini, ularning og'irligi va kasallik turini aniqlashi mumkin. Jahon sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, global miqyosda eng qashshoq, eng kam sog'liqqa ega.[1] Sog'liqni saqlashning eng past iqtisodiy taqsimotiga ega bo'lganlar, marginallashgan tarixiy ekspluatatsiya va global hokimiyat institutlaridagi tengsizlik va siyosat tuzish, sog'liqni saqlashning eng yomon natijalariga olib keladigan mamlakatlar bundan mustasno.[1] Shunday qilib, ikkita keng toifadagi qashshoqlikning nisbiy og'irligi farqlanadi. Mutlaq qashshoqlik bu oziq-ovqat, toza ichimlik suvi va boshpana kabi insonning asosiy ehtiyojlaridan qattiq mahrum etishdir va minimal standart sifatida foydalaniladi, uning yashash joyidan qat'iy nazar hech kim tushmasligi kerak. U "qashshoqlik chegarasi" yoki inson hayotini ta'minlash uchun zarur bo'lgan eng kam mablag 'bilan bog'liq holda o'lchanadi.[2] Nisbatan qashshoqlik bu "ma'lum bir jamiyatda to'liq ishtirok etish uchun zarur bo'lgan tovarlar, xizmatlar va faoliyatni sotib olishga qodir emaslik".[2] Nisbatan qashshoqlik hali ham kamayganligi sababli sog'lig'i yomon oqibatlarga olib keladi agentlik qashshoqlarning.[9] Maishiy sharoitlar kabi shaxsiy, maishiy omillar kambag'allar hayotida ozmi-ko'pmi beqaror bo'lib, qashshoqlik darajasi o'rtasida sog'liqni saqlash omillarini ifodalaydi.[10] Mozlining so'zlariga ko'ra, bu omillar qashshoqlikdagi odamlarga qiyin bo'lib, kambag'al aholi orasida sog'liq etishmovchiligi uchun javobgardir.[10] Minimal miqdordagi to'yimli va sanitariya-gigienaga ega bo'lgan oziq-ovqat mahsulotlaridan foydalanish imkoniyati salomatlikni mustahkamlashda muhim rol o'ynaydi kasallik yuqishi.[10] Ichish, cho'milish va ovqat tayyorlash uchun etarli miqdordagi sifatli suvdan foydalanish sog'liq va kasallikka duchor bo'lishini belgilaydi.[10] Tirnash xususiyati, toshma va parazit hayotni oldini olish uchun kiyim-kechak va ko'rpa-to'shaklarni to'g'ri yuvish uchun tegishli iqlim muhofazasi va resurslarini ta'minlaydigan kiyimlar ham sog'liq uchun muhimdir.[10]Uy-joy shu jumladan hajmi, sifati, shamollatish, olomon, sanitariya va ajratish, kasallikning tarqalishi va tarqalishini aniqlashda eng muhim ahamiyatga ega.[10] Ovqat idishlari va oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarini etarli darajada sterilizatsiya qilish va oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarini saqlash uchun yoqilg'ining mavjudligi sog'likni mustahkamlash uchun zarurdir.[10] Kirishni ta'minlaydigan transport tibbiy yordam, xarid qilish va ish bilan ta'minlash juda muhimdir.[10] Gigienik va profilaktik yordam, shu jumladan sovun va hasharotlar, va vitaminlar va kontratseptivlar, sog'liqni saqlash uchun zarur.[10] Ushbu hayotiy zarur narsalarga ma'lum daromadga ega bo'lish qobiliyatiga qarab differentsial kirish turli xil sog'liqqa olib keladi.

Jins

Jins umumiy sog'liq va ayrim kasalliklarda sog'liqdagi tengsizlikni aniqlay oladi va ayniqsa qashshoqlikda kuchayadi. Ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy tengsizlik ko'pincha erkaklar va ayollar o'rtasida sog'liqni saqlashning differentsial natijalari uchun asosiy sabab sifatida ko'rsatiladi.[11][12][13][5] Ga ko'ra Jahon Sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti, qashshoqlashgan va boshqa aholi o'rtasidagi sog'liqdagi farq faqat ayollarning hayoti yaxshilangan va gender tengsizligi hal qilingan taqdirdagina yopiladi. Shuning uchun JSSV ko'radi gender imkoniyatlarini kengaytirish sog'liqni adolatli taqsimlanishiga erishish uchun kalit sifatida.[1] Erkaklarga nisbatan qizlar va ayollar o'lim darajasi yuqori va o'rtacha daromadli mamlakatlarda yuqori daromadli mamlakatlarga qaraganda yuqori. "Jahon miqyosida tug'ilishdan bedarak yo'qolgan va tug'ilishdan keyin ayollarning ortiqcha o'limidan o'lgan qizlar yiliga 6 million ayolni tashkil qiladi, bu 60 yoshdan 3,9 millionga kam. 6 milliondan beshdan biri hech qachon tug'ilmaydi, o'ndan biri erta vafot etadi bolalik, reproduktiv yoshdagi beshdan bir qismi va keksa yoshdagi beshdan ikkisi.[9] Janubiy Afrika kabi OIV / OITS epidemiyasidan juda ta'sirlangan mamlakatlarda ayollarning ortiqcha o'limi saqlanib qoldi va hatto ko'payib ketdi.[9] Janubiy Afrikada, 10 yoshdan 50 yoshgacha bo'lgan ayollarning haddan tashqari o'limi 2008 yilda nolga yaqinlashib, yiliga 74000 o'limga etdi.[9] Kambag'al populyatsiyada erkaklar va ayollar yuqadigan kasalliklar va jarohatlar turlari bo'yicha aniq farqlar mavjud. Uordning so'zlariga ko'ra, kambag'al ayollarda ko'proq narsa bor yurak kasalligi, diabet, saraton va bolalar o'limi.[14] Kambag'al ayollar ham muhim narsalarga ega qo'shma kasallik yoki ikkita kasallikning mavjudligi, masalan, psixoaktiv moddalarni iste'mol qilish bilan bog'liq psixiatrik kasalliklar.[14] Ular kabi endemik sharoitlar bilan shartnoma tuzish xavfi katta sil kasalligi, diabet va yurak kasalliklari.[14] Shahar joylarda ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy ahvoli past bo'lgan ayollar jinsiy yo'l bilan yuqadigan kasalliklarga chalinishi va homiladorlikning rejalashtirilmaganligi bilan ko'proq javobgar.[14] Jahon tadqiqotlari shuni ko'rsatadiki, bachadon bo'yni saratoni bilan kasallanish xavfi, faqat ayollar uchungina, ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy ahvoli pasayishi bilan ortadi.[14]

Uy sharoitlari

Kambag'al ayollarning sog'lig'iga uy-ro'zg'or buyumlarini kamsitish, oiladagi zo'ravonlik, agentlikning etishmasligi va har bir jins o'rtasidagi ish, bo'sh vaqt va imkoniyatlarni adolatsiz taqsimlash orqali gender tengsizligi ta'sir qiladi.[1] Daromad kabi manbalarni, ozuqa va hissiy qo'llab-quvvatlash bilan savdo qilinadi uy xo'jaligi ayollarning psixologik sog'lig'iga ta'sir qiladi, oziqlanish, sog'lik, sog'liqni saqlash xizmatlaridan foydalanish va tahdid zo'ravonlik.[10] Uydagi ushbu elementlarning almashinuvi sog'liqni saqlash holati va natijalarida tengsizlikni keltirib chiqaradigan geografik, madaniy va maishiy naqshlarning ta'sirida vositachilik qiladi.[10] Sog'liqni saqlash bilan bog'liq xatti-harakatlar, tibbiy yordamdan foydalanish va ulardan foydalanish, stress va ruhiy-ijtimoiy manbalar ijtimoiy aloqalar, engish va ma'naviyat barchasi sog'liqdagi tengsizlikning vositachisi bo'lib xizmat qiladi.[10] Uydagi kamsitish, tug'ilish paytida yo'qolgan qizlarni keltirib chiqaradi va kamsitishning davom etishi va xizmat ko'rsatishning yomonligi ayollarning yuqori o'limiga sabab bo'ladi.[9]

Ijtimoiy sabablar

Ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy holat uzoq vaqtdan beri sog'liq bilan bog'liq bo'lib, ijtimoiy ierarxiyada yuqori bo'lganlar, odatda, quyida keltirilganlarga qaraganda yaxshiroq sog'liqqa ega.[15]

Munosabat bilan ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy omillar, kambag'al institutlar xalq salomatligi va xizmatlar ayollarning sog'lig'ini yomonlashtirishi mumkin.[9] Mossning fikriga ko'ra, geosiyosiy tizimning tarkibiy qismlari, masalan, jins va iqtisodiy tengsizlikni keltirib chiqaradi tarix millatning, geografiya, siyosat, xizmatlar, qonuniy huquqlar, tashkilotlar, muassasalar va ijtimoiy tuzilmalar - bularning barchasi qashshoqlikda ayollarning sog'lig'ini belgilovchi omil.[3] Ushbu tuzilmalar, xuddi sotsio-demografik holat va madaniyat, me'yorlar va sanktsiyalar singari, ayollarning ish joyidagi ishlab chiqarish rolini va sog'lig'ini belgilaydigan uy sharoitida reproduktiv rolni shakllantiradi.[3] Ayollarning ijtimoiy kapitali, gender rollari, psixologik stress, ijtimoiy resurslar, sog'liqni saqlash va xulq-atvor sog'liqni saqlash natijalariga ijtimoiy, iqtisodiy va madaniy ta'sirlarni shakllantiradi.[3] Shuningdek, moliyaviy qiyinchiliklarga duch kelgan ayollar surunkali sog'liq holatlari haqida xabar berishadi,[16] bu qashshoqlarning hayotida tez-tez uchraydi. Ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy tengsizlik ko'pincha erkaklar va ayollar o'rtasida sog'liqni saqlashning differentsial natijalari uchun asosiy sabab sifatida ko'rsatiladi.[11][12][13][5] Tadqiqot natijalariga ko'ra, ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy holatdagi farqlar va natijada ayollar uchun moddiy qobiliyatsizlik keksa ayollar o'rtasida qayd etilgan sog'liqning pastligi va sog'liqni saqlashdan foydalanish darajasi pastligi bilan izohlanadi.[5] Boshqa bir tadqiqotga ko'ra, psixologik-ijtimoiy omillar ham xabar berilgan sog'liqning farqlanishiga ta'sir qiladi.[5] Birinchidan, ayollar turli xil ta'sir qilish yoki sog'liq va farovonlikni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi moddiy va ijtimoiy omillarga kirish imkoniyatining pasayishi natijasida sog'liq muammolarining yuqori darajasi to'g'risida xabar berishlari mumkin (Arber & Cooper, 1999)[5] Ikkinchidan, sog'liqni saqlashni kuchaytiradigan moddiy, xulq-atvorli va psixologik-ijtimoiy omillarga nisbatan turli xil zaiflik tufayli ayollar sog'liq muammolari haqida xabar berishlari mumkin.[13][5]

Prenatal va onalar salomatligi

Tug'ruqdan oldin parvarish qilish shuningdek, ayollar va ularning farzandlari sog'lig'ida muhim rol o'ynaydi, qashshoq aholi va sog'liqni saqlashda ushbu farqlarni aks ettiruvchi mamlakatlarda bolalar o'limining ko'pligi. Uordning so'zlariga ko'ra, qashshoqlik tug'ruqdan oldin parvarish qilishning etarlicha kuchli bashoratidir,[14] bunga kirishni kamaytiradigan uchta omil sabab bo'ladi. Bunga sotsioodemografik omillar (masalan, yoshi, millati, oilaviy ahvoli va ma'lumoti), tizimli to'siqlar va bilim, munosabat va turmush tarzining etishmasligiga asoslangan to'siqlar kiradi.[14] Bir nechta tadqiqotlar qashshoqlik va ta'lim, ish bilan ta'minlash, o'spirin tug'ilishi va ona va bola salomatligi. 1985 yilda Jahon sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarda onalar o'limi rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarga qaraganda 150 baravar yuqori ekanligini taxmin qildi.[17] Bundan tashqari, tug'ruqdan keyingi depressiya darajasi past ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy holatga ega bo'lgan onalarda aniqlandi.[18]

Erkaklar uchun differentsial sog'liq

Erkaklarga nisbatan sog'liqda ham farqlar mavjud. O'tishdan keyingi ko'plab mamlakatlarda, shunga o'xshash Rossiya Federatsiyasi, ayollarning ortiqcha o'limi muammo emas, aksincha erkaklar uchun o'lim xavfining oshishi kuzatilmoqda.[9] Dalillar shuni ko'rsatadiki, erkaklarning haddan tashqari o'limi erkaklar orasida ijtimoiy maqbul hisoblangan xatti-harakatlar bilan, shu jumladan chekish, ichkilikbozlik va xavfli faoliyat bilan bog'liq.[9] Mossning so'zlariga ko'ra, "Ayollar oilaviy majburiyatlarni kasb bilan bog'liq stress bilan birlashtirganda paydo bo'ladigan rol zo'riqishini va ortiqcha yukni tez-tez sezadilar."[3]

Yoshi

Ijtimoiy determinantlar sog'liqni saqlash natijalariga yosh guruhiga qarab farq qilishi mumkin.

Yoshlar salomatligi

O'smirlar sog'lig'iga ham tarkibiy, ham proksimal determinantlar ta'sir qilishi isbotlangan, ammo strukturaviy determinantlar muhimroq rol o'ynaydi. Milliy boylik, daromadlarning tengsizligi va ta'lim olish imkoniyati kabi tarkibiy aniqlovchilar o'spirinlar sog'lig'iga ta'sir qilishi aniqlandi.[7] Bundan tashqari, maktab va maishiy muhit kabi proksimal determinantlarga strukturaviy determinantlar tomonidan yaratilgan tabaqalash ta'sir ko'rsatadi va o'spirin sog'lig'iga ham ta'sir qilishi mumkin. Ta'lim olish imkoniyati o'smirlarning sog'lig'iga ta'sir qiluvchi eng ta'sirchan tarkibiy omil sifatida belgilandi, proksimal omillarga maishiy va ijtimoiy omillar kiradi, masalan, uy sharoitlari, oilaviy munosabatlar, tengdoshlarning munosabatlari, etarli oziq-ovqat mahsulotlaridan foydalanish imkoniyati, dam olish va faoliyat uchun imkoniyatlar.[7] Eng ta'sirli proksimal determinant oilaviy farovonlik ekanligini isbotladi.[19] Oilaviy farovonlik bevosita ta'sir qiladi oziq-ovqat xavfsizligi, bu o'spirin oziqlanishi va sog'lig'i bilan bog'liq.[20] Oila farovonligi muntazam jismoniy ishlarda ishtirok etishga ham ta'sir qiladi. Oziqlanish va jismoniy mashqlar jismoniy farovonlikni kuchaytirsa, ikkalasi ham psixologik salomatlikni rivojlantiradi.[19] Shunday qilib, oilaviy farovonlik o'spirinlik davridagi psixologik stress bilan bog'liq. Oilaviy farovonlik sog'liqni saqlash xizmatlaridan foydalanishga ham ta'sir qiladi; ammo, sog'liqni saqlashning universal tizimlariga ega bo'lgan mamlakatlarda kambag'al oilalarga mansub yoshlar hali ham badavlatroq oilalardagi o'spirinlarga qaraganda yomonroq sog'liqqa ega.[21] Bir tadqiqot (bolalikdan kattalargacha bo'lgan odamlarni kuzatib borgan) shuni ko'rsatdiki, uy-joy muhiti o'limga ta'sir ko'rsatdi, o'limning asosiy sababi bu uyda ifloslantiruvchi moddalar mavjudligi.[22] Surunkali kasalliklarning yuqori darajasi[23] semirish va diabet kabi sigaret chekish kabi[24] past ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy holatga tegishli bo'lgan 10-21 yoshdagi o'spirinlarda topilgan.[23]

Kichkintoylar salomatligi

Homiladorlik davrida qashshoqlik yangi tug'ilgan chaqaloqlarda juda ko'p xilma-xillikni keltirib chiqarishi haqida xabar berilgan. Onalarning ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy holati pastligi tug'ilishning past vazni va muddatidan oldin tug'ilishi bilan bog'liq.[25] ektopik homiladorlik, go'dakning jismoniy holati yomonlashishi, immunitet tizimi buzilganligi va kasallikka moyilligi oshishi va tug'ruqdan oldin o'lim kabi jismoniy asoratlar.[26] Kambag'al oilalarda tug'ilgan bolalarning 60 foizida kamida bitta surunkali kasallik mavjud.[14] Kichkintoylarning aqliy asoratlariga kognitiv rivojlanishning sustligi, akademik ko'rsatkichlarning pastligi va o'zini tutishdagi muammolar kiradi.[26] Kambag'al ayollar chekishni ko'payishini,[27] spirtli ichimliklarni iste'mol qilish va xavfli xatti-harakatlar bilan shug'ullanish.[26] Bunday xavf omillari stress omillari sifatida ishlaydi, ular gavjum va gigiena talablariga javob bermaydigan yashash muhiti, moliyaviy qiyinchiliklar va ishsizlik kabi ijtimoiy omillar bilan birgalikda homila sog'lig'iga ta'sir qiladi.[26]

Etnik kelib chiqishi

Etnik kelib chiqishi kambag'al ozchiliklar uchun sog'liqni saqlash natijalarini aniqlashda ayniqsa katta rol o'ynashi mumkin. Kambag'allik irqni engib chiqishi mumkin, ammo qashshoqlik ichida irq sog'liqni saqlash natijalariga katta hissa qo'shadi.[28] Afroamerikaliklar, hatto ba'zi eng boy shaharlarda Qo'shma Shtatlar, juda kambag'al mamlakatlardagiga qaraganda tug'ilish paytida umr ko'rish darajasi pastroq Xitoy yoki Hindiston.[28] Qo'shma Shtatlarda, xususan afroamerikalik ayollar uchun, 2013 yilga kelib har 100000 tug'ilish uchun 43,5 qora tanli ayollar 12,7 oq tanli ayollarga nisbatan omon qolmaydi[29] Tadqiqotlarga ko'ra, qora tanli shaxslar Janubiy Afrika ijtimoiy resurslardan foydalanish imkoniyati cheklanganligi sababli kasallanish va o'lim darajasi yomonlashadi.[28] Kambag'allik endemik kasalliklarning asosiy sababidir ochlik va to'yib ovqatlanmaslik ushbu aholi orasida.[28] Shimoliy Amerikada OITS epidemiyasining nomutanosib soni Amerikalik ozchiliklardir, ayollarning OITS bilan kasallanish holatlarining 72% ispan yoki afroamerikalik ayollar orasida.[14] Amerikalik ozchiliklar orasida afroamerikaliklar hali ham Amerika aholisining 12 foizini tashkil qiladi, yangi OIV tashxislarining 45 foizini tashkil etadi. Amerikadagi qora tanlilar Amerikada OIV va OITS bilan kasallanganlarning eng yuqori qismini tashkil qiladi.[30]

Fermerning aytishicha, oq tanlilar va qora tanlilar o'rtasidagi o'lim farqi tobora o'sib bormoqda, bu sinflar farqiga bog'liq bo'lishi kerak.[28] Bu qashshoq aholi orasida irqni tan olishni o'z ichiga oladi. Qashshoqlikni tan olmasdan, sog'lig'ining yomonligini belgilovchi omil sifatida irqni tan olish, odamlarni irqni yagona omil deb ishontirishga yo'l qo'ydi.[14] 2001 yildagi bir tadqiqot shuni ko'rsatdiki, sog'liqni saqlash sug'urtasida ham ko'plab afroamerikaliklar va ispanlar tibbiyot xizmatiga ega emaslar; sug'urtasizlar uchun raqamlar ikki baravar ko'paygan (sug'urtalanmaganlar: Oq 12,9%, Qora 21,0%, Ispanlar 34,3%). Ikkala irqiy va sug'urta holati to'siq bo'lganligi sababli, ularning tibbiy xizmatidan foydalanish va sog'lig'i yomonlashdi.[31]

Irqlar orasidagi sog'liqning farqlanishi hayotning boshqa jabhalarini, shu jumladan daromad va oilaviy ahvolni belgilovchi omillar sifatida ham xizmat qilishi mumkin.[14] OITSga chalingan ispan ayollari o'rtacha ayollarga qaraganda ozroq maosh oladilar, kambag'al oilalarning bir qismidir va uy xo'jaliklarini boshqarishi mumkin.[14] Bir tadqiqotga ko'ra, ishlamaydigan uylarda yashovchi qora tanli o'spirin ayollar o'zlari yoki bolalari uchun jiddiy sog'liq muammolariga duch kelishgan.[14]

Ta'lim

Ta'lim qashshoqlar hayotida ayniqsa ta'sirli rol o'ynaydi. Mirovskiy va Rossning so'zlariga ko'ra, ta'lim kasb-hunar va daromad kabi hayotning boshqa omillarini belgilaydi, bu esa sog'liqni saqlash natijalarini belgilaydi.[6] Ta'lim sog'liqni saqlashning asosiy ijtimoiy belgilovchi omili bo'lib, uning daromadi, ish joyi va yashash sharoitlariga ta'siri tufayli ta'lim darajasi sog'lig'ining yaxshilangan natijalari bilan bog'liq.[32][33][34][1] Ta'lim kabi ijtimoiy resurslar sog'liqni o'lchaydigan hayot davomiyligi va bolalar o'limini belgilaydi.[35] Ta'lim sog'likka doimiy, doimiy va kuchayib boradigan ta'sir ko'rsatadi.[1] Ta'lim sog'liqni saqlashning maxsus belgilovchisidir, chunki u odamlarga o'zlarini boshqarish uchun imkoniyat yaratadi, bu esa ularni sog'liq kabi maqsadlarni izlashga olib keladi.[1] Ta'lim kambag'allarga maqsadga erishish, shu jumladan sog'lig'ini yaxshilashga yordam beradigan ko'nikma, qobiliyat va resurslarni rivojlantirishga yordam beradi.[6] Ota-onalarning bilim darajasi salomatlik uchun ham muhimdir, bu bolalar va kelajak aholining sog'lig'iga ta'sir qiladi. Ota-onalarning ta'lim darajasi, shuningdek, bolalar salomatligi, omon qolish va ularning bilim darajalarini belgilaydi (Kolduell, 1986; Cleland & Van Ginneken, 1988).[1] "Ko'proq ma'lumotli onalardan tug'ilgan bolalar go'daklik davrida kamroq o'lishadi va tug'ilishning og'irligi yuqori bo'lib, immunizatsiya qilinadi.[9] Qo'shma Shtatlarda olib borilgan tadqiqotlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, onalar ta'limi yuqori paritetga, tug'ruqdan oldin parvarish qilish usulidan ko'proq foydalanishga va chekish darajasining pasayishiga olib keladi, bu esa bolalar sog'lig'iga ijobiy ta'sir qiladi.[9] 1968 yildagi Ta'lim islohoti davomida Tayvanda bolalar maktabida o'qitishning ko'payishi go'daklar axloqi ko'rsatkichlarini 11 foizga kamaytirdi va 1000 tug'ilishda 1 chaqaloqni tejashga imkon berdi.[9]

"2.1-rasmda bolalar o'limi bo'yicha mamlakatlar o'rtasidagi tirik tug'ilishning 20/1000 dan sal ko'proq bo'lgan o'zgarishi ko'rsatilgan Kolumbiya 120 dan bir oz ko'proq Mozambik. Shuningdek, bu mamlakatlardagi tengsizlikni ko'rsatadi - go'dakning tirik qolish ehtimoli onasining ma'lumoti bilan chambarchas bog'liq. Yilda Boliviya, ma'lumoti bo'lmagan ayollardan tug'ilgan chaqaloqlarda bolalar o'limi har 1000 tirik tug'ilgan chaqaloqqa 100 dan ortiq; kamida o'rta ma'lumotga ega bo'lgan onalardan tug'ilgan chaqaloqlarning o'lim darajasi 40/1000 yoshgacha. 2.1-rasmga kiritilgan barcha mamlakatlar ma'lumotsiz ayollardan tug'ilgan bolalarning omon qolish ahvolini ko'rsatadi. "[1]O'lim tengsizligi targ'ib qiluvchi siyosat tomonidan ishlab chiqariladi va takrorlanadi tizimli zo'ravonlik allaqachon qashshoqlikka moyil bo'lganlar uchun,[36] paradigmani va ontologik tartib kuch ierarxiyasi.[37] Demak, shaxs va ularning jamoalarining siyosiy faolligi ularning sog'liqni saqlash xizmatlaridan foydalanish imkoniyatlarini aniqlashda muhim omil hisoblanadi. Sog'liqni saqlashni ijtimoiy belgilovchilar komissiyasi sog'liqni saqlash xizmatidan yaxshiroq foydalanish uchun ko'p tarmoqli davlat siyosati orqali harakatga aniq majburiyat zarurligini muhokama qiladi.[38] Tavsiya etilgan tadbirlardan biri bu bilimlarni kengaytirish va jamiyatning keng qatlamlari ishtirokini kuchaytirishdir.[39] Tarixiy jabr-zulmga uchragan aholini safarbar qilish va ularning hayotiga ta'sir ko'rsatadigan tizimli muammolar haqida savol tug'dirish bunday harakatlarning namoyonidir.[40] JSST ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, fuqarolarning ishtiroki nafaqat jismoniy sog'likni, balki ruhiy holatni va umuman hayot sifatini yaxshilaydi.[40] Tarix shuni ko'rsatadiki, omma atrofdagi muammolardan siyosiy jihatdan xabardor bo'lganida, o'z ovozini topishga va o'z hayotini nazorat qilish, sog'liqni saqlash xizmatining qulayligi va arzonligini yaxshilash uchun tizimli tengsizlikka qarshi qo'zg'olon kuchiga ega bo'ladi.[41] Aksincha, o'z fuqarolariga siyosiy ma'lumot olish huquqini berolmagan davlatlarning sog'lig'i fuqarolari siyosiy ish bilan shug'ullanadigan davlatlarga qaraganda yomonroqdir.[42] Masalan, o'lim ko'rsatkichlari farqi keskin oshdi va sog'liq uchun, ayniqsa, qashshoqlik chegarasida yashovchi aholi uchun imtiyozlar qamrovi pasayib ketdi. Aytilganidek Global sog'liqni saqlashni targ'ib qilish, so'nggi 10 yil ichida har yili 1 million kishining sog'lig'ini qoplashi doimiy ravishda yo'qolgan.[42] Sog'liqni saqlash sohasidagi mahrum bo'lish, demak, shaxs endi arzon davolanishga yoki tibbiy xizmatdan foydalanishga qodir emas, shuning uchun ularning sog'lig'i oxir-oqibat yomonlashishi mumkin. Ammo, agar fuqarolar o'zlarining muammolarini hukumatga etkazishsa, ular ushbu tizimli omilni hal qilishlari va keyinchalik sog'lig'ini yaxshilashlari mumkin edi.

Kasb

Qashshoqlashgan ishchilar ko'proq ish bilan band bo'lishlari, ish joylarida va ishdan tashqarida bo'lishlari, mehnat muhojirlari bo'lishlari yoki ishsiz qolish va ishsizlikni izlash bilan bog'liq stressni boshdan kechirishadi, bu esa o'z navbatida sog'liqni saqlash natijalariga ta'sir qiladi.[1] Ga ko'ra Jahon Sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti, ish va ish sharoitlari sog'liq tengligiga katta ta'sir qiladi (Kivimaki va boshq., 2003).[1] Bu yomon ish sharoitlari odamlarning sog'lig'i uchun xavfli bo'lishiga olib keladi, bu esa past darajadagi ishlarga ko'proq ta'sir qiladi.[1] Dalillar ushbu yuqori darajadagi ish joylariga talab yuqori, past nazorat va past darajadagi mehnat uchun kam mukofotlar ruhiy va jismoniy salomatlik muammolari, masalan, yurak xastaligining 50% ortiqcha xavfi (Stansfeld va Candy, 2006) ekanligini tasdiqlaydi.[1] Katta, konglomerat global korporatsiyalar va institutlarning mehnat siyosati va standartlarini belgilash bo'yicha kun sayin ortib borayotgan kuchi ishchilarni, kasaba uyushmalarini va ish izlayotganlarni sog'lig'iga zarar etkazadigan ish sharoitlariga bo'ysundirib qo'ydi. (EMCONET, 2007).[1] Yuqori daromadli mamlakatlarda ish bilan ta'minlanmaganlik va ish bilan ta'minlash bo'yicha xavfli kelishuvlar (masalan, norasmiy ish, vaqtinchalik ish, yarim kunlik ish va ishchi qism) o'sishi kuzatildi, ish joylarining yo'qolishi va me'yoriy himoyaning zaiflashishi kuzatildi. Norasmiy ish xavfli ish beqarorligi, mehnat sharoitlari va mehnat salomatligi va xavfsizligini himoya qilish bo'yicha tartibga solinmaganligi tufayli sog'liqqa tahdid solishi mumkin.[1] Dan dalillar JSSV doimiy ishchilarga qaraganda vaqtinchalik ishchilar orasida o'lim ko'proq ekanligini ko'rsatadi. (Kivimaki va boshq., 2003).[1] Jahon ishchilarining aksariyati norasmiy iqtisodiyot sharoitida, xususan, kam va o'rta daromadli mamlakatlarda ishlayotganligi sababli,[1] qashshoqlashgan aholiga ushbu omillar katta ta'sir ko'rsatadi.

Ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy va siyosiy kontekst

Manzil

Milliy-davlat / geografik mintaqa

Qashshoq odam qaysi millatda yashashi sog'liqni saqlash natijalariga chuqur ta'sir qiladi. Buni hukumat, atrof-muhit, geografik va madaniy omillar bilan bog'lash mumkin. Sog'liqni saqlash o'lchovi sifatida umr ko'rish davomiyligidan foydalanish mamlakatlar o'rtasida ma'lum yoshga qadar yashash imkoniyati o'rtasidagi farqni ko'rsatadi. Odamlar tug'ilgan joyda ularning hayot imkoniyatlariga keskin ta'sir qiladi. Yuqori daromadli mamlakatlar yoqadi Yaponiya yoki Shvetsiya 80 yil umr ko'rish, Braziliya -72, Hindiston -63.[14] The JSSV badavlat mamlakatlar uchun har yili 15 yoshdan 60 yoshgacha bo'lgan 1000 kattalarning atigi 56 (Islandiya) dan 107 gacha (AQSh) vafot etishini, G'arbiy va Markaziy Afrika mamlakatlarida kattalar o'limi har 1000 kishidan 300 va 400 dan oshishini ta'kidlaydi. kabi OITS epidemiyasi bilan og'rigan Afrika davlatlarida bundan ham yuqori Zimbabve bu erda har yili 1000 kattalardan 772 nafari vafot etadi (JSST 2010).[9] Shuningdek, qashshoqlik populyatsiyasiga ega bo'lgan mamlakatlar bo'yicha sog'liq uchun azoblanish turi turlicha. 80% dan ortig'i yurak-qon tomir kasalliklari 2005 yilda dunyo miqyosida 17,5 million kishini tashkil etgan o'lim kam va o'rta daromadli mamlakatlarda sodir bo'ladi.[1] Ga ko'ra JSSV, Har kuni 13500 kishi chekishdan vafot etadi va tez orada bu yuqori daromadli mamlakatlarda bo'lgani kabi rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarda o'limning asosiy sababiga aylanadi. (Mathers & Loncar, 2005).[1]

Chaqaloq va onalar o'limi shuningdek, millatlar o'rtasidagi sog'liqdagi nomutanosiblikni ochib beradi. Mamlakatlar ichida va ular o'rtasida bolalar o'limi koeffitsientlarida katta tengsizliklar mavjud bo'lib, ular Kolumbiyada tug'ilganlarning 20/10000 dan Mozambikda 120/10000 gacha.[1] 1985 yilda Jahon sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarda onalar o'limi rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarga qaraganda 150 baravar yuqori ekanligini taxmin qildi.[17]

Shahar yoki qishloq joyi

Shahar

Odamlar yashaydigan joy ularning salomatligi va hayot natijalariga ta'sir qiladi,[1] bu qashshoq odamlarning sog'lig'i natijalari, ayniqsa, a yoki yo'qligida aniqlanadi metropoliten maydoni yoki qishloq joy.[1] 19 va 20-asrlarda shaharlarda uyqusizliklar vujudga keldi va undan keyin odamlarning gavjumligi, sanitariya sharoitlarining yomonligi va uylarning etarli emasligi yuqumli kasalliklar va kasalliklarni keltirib chiqardi, bu esa aholining sog'lig'ini tashvishga solmoqda.[43] Ichki shaharning tarqalishi bilan gettolar va kechqurunlar butun dunyo bo'ylab shaharlarda, taxminan 1 milliard kishi dunyo bo'ylab kambag'allarda yashaydi,[1] yashash sharoitlari qashshoqlik holatida sog'liqni saqlashning ayniqsa aniq belgilovchi omilidir. Shahar joylari sog'liq uchun xavfli bo'lgan sharoitlar, cheklangan oziq-ovqat resurslari, yo'l-transport hodisalari va ifloslanish.[1] Urbanizatsiya aholining sog'lig'i muammolarini, ayniqsa, kambag'allarning yuqumli bo'lmagan kasalliklari, tasodifiy va zo'ravon shikastlanishlar, ekologik falokatdan o'lim va sog'liqqa etkazadigan ta'siriga yo'naltirish orqali nihoyatda o'zgartiradi. (Capbell & Campbell, 2007; Yusuf va boshq., 2001).[1] Kundalik turmush sharoiti sog'liqni saqlash tizimiga ham ta'sir qiladi.[1] Shaharlarda sifatli uy-joy va toza suvdan foydalanish va gigiena kabi yashash sharoitlarida tenglik oshib borishi bilan juda yomonlashdi. avtomobilga qaramlik, yo'llar uchun erdan foydalanish, avtoulovsiz tashishdagi noqulaylik, havo sifati, gaz gazlari chiqindilari va jismoniy mashqlar etishmasligi (NHF, 2007).[1] Aholining zichligi, odamlarning zichligi, yashashga yaroqsiz sharoitlar va kam ijtimoiy qo'llab-quvvatlash kabi shaharlarning muammolari kam va o'rta daromadli mamlakatlarda nogironlar va aholi uchun alohida muammo tug'diradi (Frumkin va boshq., 2004).[1]

  • Semirib ketish Semirib ketish, ayniqsa, kambag'allar va ijtimoiy kam ta'minlanganlar orasida, butun dunyo bo'ylab shaharlarda eng muhim muammo JSSV (Hawkes va boshq., 2007; Friel, Chopra & Satcher, 2007).[1] Semirib ketishning ko'payishi hissa qo'shishi mumkin ovqatlanish o'tish Hozirgi kunda odamlar mavjudligi va narxi tufayli yog'li, shakar va tuzli oziq-ovqat manbalariga tobora ko'proq murojaat qilishlarini tasvirlaydi.[1] Ushbu oziq-ovqatga o'tish semirish epidemiyasini kuchaytirdi. Oziqlanishning bunday o'zgarishi shaharlarda "ommaviy xaridlar, qulay oziq-ovqat mahsulotlari" va "qulaylik, mavjudlik va maqbullik" tufayli boshlanadi.katta "qismlar" (Dikson va boshq., 2007).[1] Jismoniy faollik va jismoniy mashqlar shaharlarning dizayni, shu jumladan uylarning zichligi, erdan bir xil bo'lmagan foydalanish, ko'chalar va piyodalar yo'llarining ulanish darajasi, yurish imkoniyati, shuningdek, dam olish va o'yin uchun mahalliy jamoat turar joylari va bog'larni ta'minlash va ularga kirish imkoniyatlari bilan aniq belgilanadi. .[1] Ushbu omillar, avtoulovlarga bo'lgan ishonchni oshirish bilan birga, aholining jismoniy harakatsizlikka o'tishiga olib keladi, bu esa sog'likka zarar etkazadi (Friel, Chopra & Satcher, 2007).[1]
  • Jinoyat: Zo'ravonlik va jinoyatchilik shahar sog'lig'ining asosiy muammolari hisoblanadi. Dunyo bo'ylab har yili 1,6 million zo'ravonlik bilan o'limning 90% kam va o'rta daromadli mamlakatlarda sodir bo'ladi (JSST, 2002).[1] Ko'p sonli o'lim va jarohatlar sog'liqqa ta'sir qiladigan jinoyat tufayli sodir bo'ladi.[1]
  • Avtotransport: Gettolar va shaharlardagi odamlar eng ko'p yo'l harakati shikastlanishlari va avtoulovlar tomonidan yaratilgan havo ifloslanishiga duchor bo'lmoqdalar, bu esa har yili havoning ifloslanishi sababli 800000 o'limga olib keladi va 1,2 mln. (Roberts & Meddings, 2007; Prüss-Üstün & Corvalán, 2006).[1] Bu o'limga o'xshash sog'liq uchun ko'proq xavf tug'diradi,[1] shaharlardagi qashshoq aholi uchun.
  • Ruhiy kasallik: Gettoda yashash ruhiy kasallikka chalinish ehtimolini oshiradi, ayniqsa bolalarda. Ushbu muhitdagi odamlar ruhiy salomatlik bo'yicha samarali xizmatlardan kamroq foydalanishadi. Uzoq davom etadigan qashshoqlikka uchragan, gettoda bo'lgan bolalar yuqori darajada depressiya, xavotir, ijtimoiy hayotdan voz kechish, tengdoshlarning to'qnashuvi va tajovuzkorlikni namoyon etadilar.[44] Gettoda ruhiy salomatlik alomatlari jamoat jinoyatchiligi, to'dalar tomonidan sodir etilgan zo'ravonlik, qo'shnilarning giyohvand moddalar hujumi va uy-joylarning sifatsiz sharoitlari tufayli kuchaymoqda.[45]
  • Boshqalar: Qo'shma Shtatlarda OIV, sharqiy qirg'oq bo'yidagi shaharlarda ko'proq tarqalgan bo'lib, shaharlarda afroamerikalik ayollar orasida ushbu shtatning barcha hududlarida yashovchi ayollarga nisbatan 5-15 baravar ko'pdir.[14] "Ichki shaharlardagi ayollar Qo'shma Shtatlarda o'lik yoki o'ta kasal bolalarni tug'ilishi ehtimoli ko'proq, chunki qisman ularning hududida tug'ruqdan oldin parvarish qilishning katta eroziyasi.[14] Faqatgina juda kambag'al aholidan tashkil topgan uyqusizliklar sog'liq uchun juda katta tahdid soladi. Aholining 60 foizi istiqomat qiladigan Nayrobi tumanlarida bolalar o'limi shaharning boshqa hududlariga nisbatan 2,5 baravar ko'pdir.[1] Manila tumanlarida bolalarning 39% sil kasalligi bilan kasallangan, bu o'rtacha respublika ko'rsatkichidan ikki baravar ko'pdir.[1] "Uy-joy beqarorligi" atamasi odamlar kelajakda uysiz bo'lgan yoki bo'lmaydigan holatni tavsiflaydi. People facing such instability have poorer health care access and more acute health problems than the rest of the population.[46] A city populations grew and rents rose, those receiving Section 9 housing vouchers could no longer afford the rising rents and were forced to move away.[47]
Qishloq

Living in a rural community, whether in the United States, or around the globe, reduces access to medical services, tibbiy sug'urta, and changes health culture.[1][10][48] Differentials exist between rural and urban communities, and some health disadvantages exist for impoverished rural residents. Since health of a population increases in geographical locations that have a higher prevalence of primary care physicians,[1] rural areas face worse health. According to certain studies, measures of health and well-being indicate that rural populations have worse health outcomes.[48] Rural residents have a greater rate of premature mortality (less than age 75 at death) than urban residents.[48] According to certain studies in the United States, the death rate of individuals age 1–24 years was 31% higher than those in urban counties.[48] The death rate of adults 25 to 64 years old was 32% higher among rural residents than those of suburban counties and of urban counties.[48] These higher death rates were contributed to unintentional injuries, suicide, and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease.[48] In 1997 in the United States, 18% of adults in rural areas had chronic health conditions, compared to only 13% of suburban adults.[48] The National Health Interview Survey indicated that in 1998, 16% of rural adults reported poor health.[48] Poor rural residents have only 21% Medicaid coverage, while poor urban populations report 30% coverage.[48] Demographic and socioeconomic factors vary between rural and urban areas, which contributes to some health disparities.[48] For extremely poor rural communities, variables in the community, like ecological setting, including climate, soil, rainfall, temperature, altitude, and mavsumiylik greatly impact health.[10] "In rural subsistence societies, these variables can have strong influence on child survival by affecting the quantity and variety of food crops produced, the availability and quality of water, vector-borne kasallik yuqishi "[10]

Governance/policy

Type and structure of governments and their social and economic policy more deeply affects the health of the impoverished than other populations.[1] Every component of government- from finance, education, housing, employment, transportation, and sog'liqni saqlash siyosati - affects population health and health equity.[1] Life expectancy variation between countries can be partially attributed to the type of political regime, whether that be fashist, kommunistik, konservativ, yoki sotsial-demokratik.[49] It is suggested by WHO that those who are the most vulnerable and affected by policy changes that influence their quality of health should have a direct hand in the construction and adoption of these same policies. This power in contribution would have a positive impact on their health outcomes, due to their ability to participate autonomously in policies that influence their health.[50] However, changing the status of government regime does not always end the type of policies in place, as seen in South Africa. The end of South Africa's apartheid regime has still not dismantled the structures of inequality and oppression, which has led the persistent social inequality to perpetuate the spread of HIV, diminishing population health.[28] Also, the political economy, encompassing production organization, physical infratuzilma, and political institutions [9] play a large role in determining health inequalities.[10]

Social service and healthcare availability

health care source

The social environment that impoverished people dwell in is often a precursor to the quality of their health outcomes. Without equitable access to basic social needs, it is difficult to have a quality standard of health while under a significant financial burden. The Commission of Social Determinants of Health, created in 2015 by the World Health Organization, was a pioneer in the push for more focus on "creating better social conditions for health, particularly among the most vulnerable people”.[51] These basic social needs that influence social environment include food security, housing, education, transportation, healthcare access and more factors that can affect health. Social services and social service programs, which provide support in access to basic social needs, are made critical in the improvement in health conditions of the impoverished. Impoverished people depend on healthcare and other social services to be provided in the ijtimoiy xavfsizlik tarmog'i, therefore availability greatly determines health outcomes. Since low living standards greatly influence health inequity, generous social protection systems result in greater population health, with lower mortality rates, especially in disadvantaged populations.[14] A successful example of such social service program is the Senior Companion program, an extension of the United States federal program Katta korpus. The program provides assistance for adults who have physical and mental disadvantages.[52] It pairs up senior volunteers with patients who come from low-income background to help them increase their social capability, ability to live independently and more accessibility to healthcare. A mixed-method study explores that the program does target various social determinants of health and have positive effects on enrolled elders' health status (although less positive correlation long-term).[53] It concludes that the program does have enthusiastic impacts on clients and volunteers' overall wellness.[54] The result is homogeneous with conclusions from other studies, with emerging themes include: companionship, reduced depression, access to healthcare, isolation, and increased social network.[54] Another example of a utilized social service program in Northern California is the UCSF Benioff Children's Hospital Oakland Find Program. This program employs a method of addressing the social determinants of health, liaison work, contextualized by their predominantly impoverished patient population. This liaison work involves caseworkers in the clinic connecting patients to basic social needs resources. Similar positive results have been found, suggesting that this liaison work is effective in bettering the health status of those in marginalized positions of society.[55]

Nations that have more generous social protection systems have better population health (Lundberg et al., 2007).[1] More generous family policies correlate with lower infant mortality.[1] Nations that offered higher coverage and reimbursement for pensions and sickness, unemployment, and employment accident insurance have a higher LEB (Lundberg et al., 2007), as well as countries with more liberal pensions have less senior mortality. (Lundberg et al., 2007)[1]

Sog'liqni saqlash xizmatidan foydalanish

The health care system represents a social determinant of health as well as it influences other determining factors. People's access to health care, their experiences there, and the benefits they gain are closely related to other social determinants of health like income, gender, education, ethnicity, occupation, and more.[1] For poor people, systematic barriers in the social structure are formidable, especially financing.[14] Medicaid and maternity coverage structures have complex and time-consuming registration processes, along with long waits and unsure eligibility.[14] A study of the Emergency Department found that the majority of patients presenting with mental illness were those on Medical (20.4%) and Medicare (31.5%), whereas only 12.4% of privately insured patients presented with mental illness. California has expanded its eligibility of Medi-Cal under federal law to cover as many people as possible.[56] Inequalities in health are also determined by these socioeconomic and cultural factors.[1] Health care is inequitably distributed globally, with pronounced inequality for the poor in low- and middle-income countries.[1] One study demonstrated that doctors treat poor populations differently, showing that disadvantaged patients are less likely to receive the recommended diabetic treatments and are more likely to undergo hospitalization due to the complications of diabetes (Agency for Health Care Research and Quality, 2003).[1] Ga ko'ra JSSV, healthcare systems can most improve health equality when institutions are organized to provide universal coverage, where everyone receives the same quality healthcare regardless of ability to pay, as well as a Primary Healthcare system rather than emergency center assistance.[1]

These structural problems result in worse healthcare and therefore worse health outcomes for impoverished populations. Health care costs can pose absolutely serious threats to impoverished populations, especially in countries without proper social provisions. According to US HHS, "In 2009, children 6–17 years of age were more likely to be uninsured than younger children, and children with a family income below 200% of the poverty level were more likely to be uninsured than children in higher-income families."[35] In elderly populations, individuals below 400% of the poverty line were between 3 and 5 times more likely to lack insurance.[35] Children below 200% of the poverty line were also less likely to have insurance than wealthier families.[35] Also, in 2009 in the US, 20% of adults (ages 18–64) below 200% of the poverty line did not receive their necessary drugs because of cost, compared to only 4% of those above 400% of the poverty line.[35] Increasing healthcare costs (including higher premiums) imposed a burden on consumers.[57] In 2010, President Obama introduced the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA), expanding health care to many that lacked coverage. The U.S. had the highest rate of uninsured people, and the highest health care costs, of all industrialized nations at the time. The ACA helped 20 million Americans get coverage and decreased the rates of uninsured from 16% in 2010 to 8.6% in 2016. The ACA brought coverage to people who had suffered from downgrades in Employee Insurance programs, by providing a health insurance marketplace, giving them access to private insurance plans along with income-based government subsidies.[58] This can be seen in other nations, where in Asia, payments for healthcare pushed almost 3% of the population of 11 countries below 1 US$ per day.[1] However, under the current U.S. administration, there have been shifts in how federal funding is allocated to social service programs. Although, initiatives like the National Prevention Council have been established to address prevention, there have also been some drawbacks. Because of this political shift, entities that address the social determinants of health in poverty, like social service programs, are threatened under these new policies. These policies reallocate funding away from public social service programs, causing resources that promote prevention and public health to be limited.[55] The problem most present with state provisioned resources like public social service programs that aim to alleviate health disparities are the ever changing political spheres that either propel or block communities from access to effective health care resources and interventions. Despite the strength of political influences, it has been shown that, globally, shifting attention to addressing social needs like healthcare access has dramatically affected the health of impoverished communities.[59]

Societal psychological influences

In impoverished communities, different ijtimoiy normalar and stressors exist than in other populations, which can greatly affect health outcomes in disadvantaged populations.[35] According to the National Institutes of Health, "low socioeconomic status may result in poor physical and/or mental health ... through various psychosocial mechanisms such as poor or "risky" health-related behaviors, social exclusion, prolonged and/ or heightened stress, loss of sense of control, and low self-esteem as well as through differential access to proper nutrition and to health and social services (National Institutes of Health 1998)."[35] These stressors can cause physiological alterations including increased cortisol, changed blood-pressure, and reduced immunity which increases their risks for poor health.[35]

Strukturaviy zo'ravonlik

Underlying social structures that propagate and perpetuate poverty and suffering- tizimli zo'ravonlik - majorly determine health outcomes of impoverished populations. Poor and unequal living conditions result from deeper structural conditions, including "poor social policies and programs, unfair economic arrangements, and bad politics,"[1] that determine the way societies are organized. The structure of the global system causes inequality and systematic suffering of higher death rates, which is caused by inequity in distribution of opportunities and resources, which is termed tizimli zo'ravonlik.[49]

Ta'rif

Strukturaviy zo'ravonlik is a term devised by Yoxan Galtung va ozodlik ilohiyotchilari during the 1960s to describe economic, political, legal, religious, and cultural social structures that harm and inhibit individuals, groups, and societies from reaching their full potential.[4] Structural violence is structural because the causes of misery are "embedded in the political and economic organization of our social world; they are violent because they cause injury to people."[4] Structural violence is different from personal or behavioral violence because it exclusively refers to preventable harm done to people by no one clear individual, but arises from unequal distribution of power and resources, pre-built into social structure.[60] Structural violence broadly includes all kinds of violations of human dignity: absolute and relative poverty, social inequalities like gender inequality and racism, and outright displays of human rights violations.[28] The idea of structural violence is as old as the study of ziddiyat va zo'ravonlik,[60] and so it can also be understood as related to ijtimoiy adolatsizlik va zulm.[4]

Effektlar

Structural violence is often embedded in longstanding social structures, ubiquitous throughout the globe, that are regularized by persistent institutions and regular experience with them.[4] These social structures seem so normal in our understanding of the world that they are almost invisible, but inequality in resource access, siyosiy hokimiyat, ta'lim, Sog'liqni saqlash, and legal standing are all possible perpetrators of structural violence.[4] Non citizens do not have access to medical insurance and healthcare and must seek care in clinics and outpatient departments.[61] Structural violence occurs "whenever persons are harmed, maimed, or killed by poverty and unjust social, political, and economic institutions, systems, or structures"[62] Structural violence can contribute to worse health outcomes through either harming or killing victims, just like armed violence can have these effects.[62] This type of unintended harm perpetuated by structural violence progressively promotes misery and ochlik that eventually results in death, among other effects.[60] Ehrlich and Ehrlich reported in 1970 that between 10 and 20 million of the 60 million annual deaths across the globe result from starvation and malnutrition.[62] Their report also estimated that structural violence was responsible for the end of one billion lives between 1948 and 1967 in the third world.[62]

Structural violence connection to health

Inequality in daily living conditions stem from unseen social structures and practices.[1] This systematic inequality is produced by social norms, policies, and practices that promote the unfair distribution of power, wealth, and other social resources,[1] such as healthcare. "The poor health of the poor, the social gradient in health within countries, and the marked health inequities between countries are caused by the unequal distribution of power, daromad, tovarlar va xizmatlar, globally and nationally."[1] First, structural violence is often a major determinant of the distribution and outcome of disease.[4] It has been known for decades that epidemic disease is caused by structural forces.[4] Strukturaviy zo'ravonlik can affect disease progression, such as in OIV, where harmful social structures profoundly affect tashxis, sahnalashtirish va davolash of HIV and associated illnesses.[4] The determinants of disease and their outcome are set by the social factors, usually rampant with structural violence, that determine risk to be infected with the disease.[4] Understanding how structural violence is embodied at the community, individual, and microbial levels is vital to understanding the dynamics of disease.[4] The consequences of structural violence is post pronounced in the world's poorest countries and greatly affects the provision of clinical services in these countries.[4] Elements of structural violence such as "social upheaval, poverty, and gender tengsizligi decrease the effectiveness of distal services and of oldini olish efforts" presents barriers to medical care in countries like Rwanda and Haiti[4] Due to structural violence, there exists a growing outcome gap where some countries have access to interventions and treatment, and countries in poverty who are neglected. With the power of improved distal interventions, the only way to close this outcome gap between countries who do and do not have access to effective treatment, lies on proximal interventions to reduce the factors contributing to health problems that arise from structural violence.[4][63]

Shuningdek qarang

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